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Friday, November 29, 2013

"What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?" Analysis of Frederick Douglass's speech, how did he construct his argument and did he argue effectively.

In his speech, What to the Slave is the angiotensin converting enzyme-fourth of July?, Frederick Douglass departionately argues that to the striver, and even to the freed Afri root word Ameri nonify, the Fourth of July is no more than than a ridicule of the grossest kind. Douglas uses umpteen rhetorical strategies to convey his powerful emotions on the subject, and the end impart is a very effectively argued acidedness.         Douglass begins by asking a serial of rhetorical questions, non without the use of sarcasm. He refers to that Declaration of Independence, or else of the Declaration of Independence, to variant the separation between his people and those who nuclear number 18 not oppressed. In the next paragraph, he continues to ask rhetorical questions. The purpose of all these questions is to give the auditory sense the perspective that what is suggested is not truly so. He did not choose to give a speech on the pass that his people are rem inded of the injustice forced upon them in cast to express gratitude and joy for the independence of the States, because he does not contribution in any of that joy, because he does not share in any of that independence. The third paragraph is where the line is visibly displace for the audience. No more rhetorical questions at this speckle. The truth is pose out; the separation is do clear. Douglass prolifically uses the terms you and me, us and them, to stress the item that this holi daylight is of a double-meaning, and for his people it is a day of mourning, while for the rest of them, it is a day of dip joy. In the text, much(prenominal) rowing are italicized, meaning that while he gave the speech, he made accredited to put emphasis on these words in a way that would be comparable to crush the pressure points of his audience (you). An interesting point upraise be brought up at this moment: his immediate audience during the auction pitch of this speech in July of 1852 was comprised of white abolitionists. M! eaning, he was addressing the people that were technically on his side, so to speak. Douglass calls for them to argue more and denounce less... dribble more and talk less, your cause would be much more likely to come after(pg.2). He almost rubs it in their faces: that their proclaimed aspirations have not been tended to with the proper amount of case and attention, and that all that has been put away up to that point has failed miserably. The supra quotation is comparable to saw start trying or go home. The fact that he speaks so harshly to this particular audience wholly shows how passionately he feels for his profess people.         Back to the first page, Douglass makes a reference to the Bible. He applies his avouch situation to that of the one exposit by the quote. He is the one who tramp not eat up about his people. He can not express joy, when his people express their pains. His railroad track line is proved multiple times with the truthful logica l system kick ined in his speech. It can be summed up with this: (1) This pass is to rejoice for the sake of exemption and liberty. (2) My people have no independence, have no liberty. (3) You rejoice. (4) My people mourn. (5) This holiday is a ridicule to us. The reference to the mockery of it all is made over and over again, and with such a simply logical description, one can not possibly argue its validity.         Douglass moves on to speak of the victimizes disembowel by the States, and how they have piled sky-high to the point of no return. He states that any just man who is not prejudice shall pock that his words are of truth. He speaks of the Constitution, he speaks of the Bible, and he speaks of God. With such credited references screening up his channel, it would almost make a man feel like the devil to even doughty to disagree. For the last half of his speech, Douglass addresses what he should speak of, what he should argue. He goes into det ail about each different aspect of consequently Afr! ican Americans have the same inherent right to freedom as do any other human beings. ridiculous by one, he suggests he argue about the break ones back being a man, that man be entitled to liberty, that it is ill-use to make men brutes, and finally, that slavery is not divine.
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With each, he elaborates on the fact that each argument is so basic, so implicit, that it sine qua non not be argued. It all flows back to his own argument about the holiday on which he speaks. Freedom is the internal right of all men. Arguing against it is like trying to fight back a fact of science, so arguing for it is pointless bec ause the recount is enough proof already. If a man is a man, and then freedom is what he is entitled to, and if this can not be seen, then arguing for it will do no good. aft(prenominal) this point is made, he makes a very powerful statement to back up this idea. For it is not light that is needed hardly switch up(pg.4). The light is the obvious- the arguments for the freedom of all men, but the fire is what is missing, what is desperately needed- the drastic awakening of America to its own crimes against humanity, and the arbitrary of changing this, because it can not be undone, but it can except get worse. His words seem to flow with a heated fervency which could not be stopped. One could whole imagine actually hearing the speech when it was given by Douglass himself. It would make sense to compare him to a preacher, up at the podium, speaking out against the devil and his ways with fire and brimstone. His point is not made, but forced, upon the audience.      Â Â Â Â Douglass ends his amazing speech with the st! atement that he has been working to prove all along: The Fourth of July is a disgusting reminder to him and his people of the ongoing cruelty that America attempts to put a veil over with this mockery. While the unreasoning rejoice, the oppressed are driven further into sadness. His speech is a calling, a calling for change. Change is all that America has to estimate for, Douglass argues, for the obscenities of the past can not be undone, and the horror of the stand for must not go on. He calls for a cut out out to the damage, and for the exposure of the perpetrator: America. If you want to get a dependable essay, order it on our website: OrderCustomPaper.com

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